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Moroccan 'TikTokers' Arrests: The Labyrinth of "Shamelessness" and "Triviality"

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By Ahmed  Jalali

In recent days, Morocco has witnessed widespread controversy surrounding the arrest or prosecution of several social media content creators, particularly those active on "TikTok," under charges related to "promoting triviality" (tafaha) or "offending public values."

This term, "triviality" , has become frequent in Moroccan and Arab public discourse, yet it carries profound philosophical, cultural, and legal complexities that go beyond its seemingly simple, colloquial surface meaning.

This campaign—or "movement"—would have appeared ordinary in Morocco had it occurred months or years ago. However, for people to sleep soundly and wake up to this news necessitates a careful, contextual examination.

The context of this "movement" (with a silent 'r' in Arabic), naturally, coincides with social tensions caused by the government's failed social policies, high unemployment, and poor public services. This is compounded by the shockwave from the leaked video of the "Ethics Committee" of the expired Provisional Committee for Press and Publication Affairs, and the National Press Council, which has lost its credibility since the end of its leadership's mandate two years ago.

This article will explore the concept of Triviality: its origins, who first wrote about it, its sociological problems, and the limits of its use in courts or public debate. We will also offer a critical reading of this concept's relationship with human rights and freedom of expression, concluding with practical suggestions to address the phenomenon without infringing upon citizens' fundamental rights.


  What is the Concept of "Triviality"  

Linguistically, "Triviality" denotes contemptibility, insignificance, and lack of value. Conceptually, it is a multi-dimensional term referring to:

·         Superficial content lacking depth or benefit.

·         Behavior or discourse that society deems non-serious or inappropriate.

·         Activities aimed only at sensationalism or attention-seeking without worthwhile substance.

However, triviality is not an entirely objective concept; it is a "Social Construct." Society itself determines what it considers "trivial" and "important" based on its public taste, moral values, and historical and cultural context.


Who First Wrote About Triviality Globally?

Although the concept of triviality has existed since ancient philosophies, the Canadian thinker Alain Deneault wrote about it concerning media, as did several Arab intellectuals. However, Deneault's contribution gained the most global recognition.

In his famous 2015 book, "La Médiocratie" (The Mediocracy), Deneault argued that the world is experiencing a phase of "rule by the mediocre," not because people are mediocre, but because "economic, political, and media systems systematically produce mediocrity."

Key ideas from his analysis include:

·         The decline in the value of competence and expertise in favor of rapid fame.

·         The domination of light content over culture and knowledge.

·         The transformation of digital platforms into a market for views, not ideas.

Thus, according to Deneault, triviality is not merely a problem of individuals but an entire social structure.


Triviality Between Taste and Cultural Differences

What some consider trivial, others may find entertaining or amusing. Furthermore, taste is influenced by age, environment, education level, and cultural background—facts clear to anyone who has had the opportunity to immigrate or travel and interact with different cultures.

·         For instance, dancing or short comedy clips may be labeled "triviality" by some intellectuals, but they are considered "legitimate entertainment" by vast segments of the youth.

·         In Western cultures, the law only criminalizes trivial content if it involves violence or hate speech. The nature of the content itself determines its success or failure, not state institutions.

·         In some countries, the concept of triviality may be tied to religious or moral values, while in others, it is used to impose restrictions on freedom of expression within a political or class conflict.


  Who Judges Triviality?

This is a critical question that probes the core of freedom and democracy: Who has the right to judge triviality? The state, the judiciary, the conservative society, or the consuming public?

These questions make triviality a legally undefined charge, thus open to interpretation and utilization according to the balance of power and conflict.

When Triviality Becomes a Legal Charge: Where Does Freedom of Expression Begin and End?

Many content creators in Morocco have faced charges related to "offending public values," "indecency," or "promoting triviality." However, the legal use of this term raises several issues, including:

·         Lack of a Specific Legal Definition: Moroccan law does not explicitly state "triviality" as a crime, but it uses broad terms open to flexible interpretation, such as offending public morals, publishing inappropriate content, or harming family values. The problem is that these concepts are not precisely regulated, making them subject to the judge's discretion or public opinion pressures.

·         A Human Rights Perspective argues that the quality or benefit of content should not be the role of the state. The public can decide who they watch and who they ignore, who they elevate to fame, or who they consign to oblivion.

·         Closing or restricting accounts should come from the platforms themselves based on clear rules.

Is Triviality a Crime or a Social Phenomenon?

Even if we reject empty or poor-taste content, turning it into a criminal matter can lead to irreversible outcomes: stifling creativity, creating an unhealthy climate of fear among content creators, increasing self-censorship, diminishing freedom of expression, and raising mistrust in state institutions.


Triviality as a Social Stigma

When we describe someone as "trivial," we are not just describing their content; we are enacting a social stigma that undermines their dignity, diminishes their human value, and symbolically excludes them from society.

Given these destructive effects, the public has an inescapable right to question the state regarding:

·         The Right to Expression.

·         The Right to Participate in Cultural Life.

·         The Right to Respect for Human Dignity.

·         The Right to Difference.

 Triviality and Selectivity

When used arbitrarily, "triviality" can become a negative and dangerous tool that leads to divisions within the social fabric by:

·         Becoming a tool for demonizing specific segments of society.

·         Being used as a weapon to silence unwanted voices.

·         Serving as a deadly means to neutralize competitors or the culturally different.

For example, a simple young person might be labeled "trivial" for posting satirical clips, while similar content from another person is overlooked due to political or social considerations.

Fame and Value

People often mistakenly confuse a person's fame on platforms like "TikTok" with their cultural and moral value.

However, the universality of human rights is not tied to fame or cultural level because every individual has the right to expression within clear and agreed-upon legal boundaries.

There is also a central question that few are willing to discuss: Is triviality a cause or a result of other factors?

In my opinion, triviality is not merely an "individual choice"; it is a mechanical result of societal factors, including:

·         Weak education.

·         Limited job opportunities.

·         Lack of recreational alternatives.

·         Decline in serious cultural production.

·         Dominance of fast-paced content on digital platforms.

Under this logic, triviality is an accumulated product and not always a crime in the traditional legal sense.


 Resolving Issues Without Infringing Rights

Anyone who has followed my opinions for over 25 years knows that I favor quality and fight mediocrity whenever possible. My commitment to professional quality led me to move between 10 institutions in Morocco and abroad and submit five resignations without regret for the doors that slammed shut behind me or the substantial salaries I considered less valuable than my principles.

But the bias towards quality must coexist with the victory for responsible freedom with wider margins. Therefore, I propose the following brief ideas:

Instead of a punitive approach, Morocco—like many countries—could adopt a comprehensive strategy that prioritizes: strengthening media literacy, introducing specialized programs in education, protecting children from harmful content, distinguishing between entertainment and harm, and supporting serious and beneficial content.

The Moroccan state, with its vast resources and legal, administrative, and institutional capabilities, would not fail—if the political will were present—to achieve all of the above and more by funding purposeful cultural initiatives, supporting and mentoring creative content creators, and revitalizing the frozen official media pole to produce respectful educational, documentary, and entertainment programs, involving educators, sociologists, and a large group of intellectuals in this national project that concerns both the present and the future.

Furthermore, instead of arresting individuals, the state could impose clear rules on the platforms rather than pressuring its citizens. For example, Morocco has the right to oblige TikTok and YouTube to adhere to clear policies regarding offensive content.

If I were a Moroccan legislator, I would nationalize certain terms that are untranslatable in our local environment by relying on imported concepts. For example, if I were a judge, I would prefer to rule in such cases based on the concept of "Qillat Al-Haya" (Lack of Shamelessness/Indecency) instead of resorting to the vague concept of "triviality."

If I were among legislqtors, I would not complicate the issue. Instead, I would suggest expanding the concept of triviality slightly to include and criminalize the actions of those who should be taken to courts and then to prisons:

·         Whoever corrupts public media with "showy, low-quality" policies and squanders billions of public funds for them is trivial and deserves punishment.

·         Whoever transforms politics—centrally, locally, or regionally—from a public service into a cash cow for themselves and their unworthy offspring is trivial, son of a trivial person, and his grandfather is the leader of the trivial, and should be condemned and imprisoned.

·         Whoever lies to Moroccans with their electoral promises and fulfills nothing is a great trivial person who must be severely and decisively held accountable because he trivialized political life and made the people distrust their nation.

·         Every corrupt, thieving, rogue, deceitful, manipulative, fraudulent, oppressive, influence-peddler, and abuser of power... is trivial, son of a trivial person. We will become a trivial Morocco, people and state, if we do not restrain them with the whips of the law. Period.

 

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